Waid’s, again, in liquor license fight at 12th and Jefferson

Waid Sainvil says the support will be helpful as the proceedings over his liquor license play out this spring.

“I’ve done everything that needs to be done. I’ve hired new security. It’s not noise coming from the building,” he said.

“This is a small group of people who have a loud voice. It’s time for the other people — the great majority — to stand up and say no.”

Thursday’s EastPAC meeting was held at 6:30 PM in Seattle U’s Chardin Hall Room 145.


As the neighborhood continues to grow and change around it, Waid’s Haitian Cuisine Bar & Lounge is fighting for its life. Again.

“It’s a black thing,” owner Waid Sainvil tells CHS.

“This is the only place in Seattle where black people from all over hang out.”

It has to do with gentrification, Sainvil says. The area around Waid’s continues to change with new development and more business investment spreading south from Capitol Hill. Across the street, Capitol Hill Housing’s The Jefferson apartment building opened in 2013. Seattle University, in the meantime, continues to invest in the area and plans a major campus expansion in the neighborhood over the next decade.

Sainvil says the state liquor board is working to deny the renewal of the liquor license for his eight-year-old lounge at 12th and Jefferson following a sting last year in which minors were able to purchase alcohol at the nightclub. The bust continues a string of attempts to strip the club of its liquor license over the years. Seattle Times columnist and Central District resident Danny Westneat wrote about the last round of challenges for Waid’s in 2010. “Is it possible both sides are right?” Westneat asked. “That Waid’s is Seattle’s most dangerous bar? And also one of its most generous?”


‘The Legacy of Chokwe Lumumba Must Not Be Buried With the Man’

‘The Legacy of Chokwe Lumumba Must Not Be Buried With the Man’

Chokwe Lumumba in Jackson, Mississippi, 2013. (AP Photo/Rogelio V. Solis)

Chokwe Lumumba maintained a civil rights commitment that was rooted in the moment when his mother showed her 8-year-old son the Jet magazine photograph of a beaten Emmett Till in his open casket. The commitment was nurtured on the streets of Detroit, where Lumumba and his mother collected money to support the Southern Nonviolent Coordinating Committee and the civil rights struggles of the early 1960s.

Half a century later, he would be the transformational mayor of a major Southern city, Jackson, Mississippi. But just as his tenure was taking shape, Lumumba died unexpectedly Tuesday at age 66.
The mayor’s death ended an epic journey that challenged conventions, upset the status quo and proved the potential of electoral politics to initiate radical change—even in a conservative Southern state.

As a young man, inspired by the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr.’s struggle to address “infectious discrimination, racism and apartheid,” and shocked into a deeper activism by King’s assassination, Lumumba changed his name from Edwin Taliaferro—taking his new first name from an African tribe that had resisted slavery and his new last name from the Congolese independence leader Patrice Lumumba.


Chokwe Lumumba, 66, Dies; Activist Who Became Mayor in Mississippi

Chokwe Lumumba, a civil rights lawyer who once called for an independent black-majority country in the American Southeast before running for mayor of Jackson, Miss., last year, winning handily, died on Tuesday in Jackson. He was 66.

His family said the cause had not been determined.

As a political activist, Mr. Lumumba campaigned for the United States to pay billions of dollars to blacks as reparations for their ancestors’ enslavement.

As a lawyer, he helped the rapper Tupac Shakur in a successful effort to clear himself of assault charges in 1993; he persuaded Gov. Haley Barbour of Mississippi to release two sisters from a Mississippi prison in 1996 after they had served 16 years for an armed robbery that they said they had not committed; and he defended self-styled revolutionaries charged with robbing a Brinks armored car in 1981 in Rockland County, N.Y., and murdering three people in the process.

In Jackson, the state capital, Mr. Lumumba earned respect as a civic leader.

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Chokwe Lumumba, a civil rights, politics,jackson mississippi,african americans,

The Election Victory of Chokwe Lumumba

The Election Victory of Chokwe Lumumba

Published On December 12, 2013 | By Eljeer Hawkins | Fighting Racism, US Politics

On July 1, 2013, renowned radical lawyer, black nationalist, and Jackson City Council member Chokwe Lumumba was inaugurated as the mayor of Jackson, Mississippi. Lumumba ran as a Democrat, gaining 87 percent of the vote in a city of 177,000 with an 80 percent black population.

Lumumba stated several times that his campaign was an extension of the legacy of Fannie Lou Hamer and the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party (MFDP), of the mid-’60s, that challenged the white segregationist Democratic Party of Mississippi at the 1964 Democratic National Convention. Lumumba’s insurgent grassroots election campaign victory and program made national news. It has opened up an important discussion among the left, socialists, and activists in the South and around the country on how to take the struggle forward in a state and region dominated by the Republican Party, how to implement a radical black agenda in an era of capitalist crisis, and whether the Democratic Party is the vehicle for radical change.

A Withering Magnolia

The state of Mississippi has a bloody, violent history rooted in slavery and the 1861 Southern secession from the union. After the end of the radical Reconstruction Era, it was the site of some of the most horrific events faced by the black working class and poor under Jim Crow: the lynching of Emmett Till in 1955; the assassination of NAACP organizer Medgar Evers in 1963; and the murder of civil rights workers Andrew Goodman, Michael Schwerner, and James Chaney in 1964.

The victory of Lumumba reflects the deeper crisis of capitalism and the two-party system of the Democrats and Republicans. The conditions facing the working class and poor of Mississippi are ones of criminal federal and state neglect, the dominance of big business, and the one-party control of the Republican Party. The State of Mississippi ranks last, or second to last, in state expenditures for education and health care, with the second-highest incarceration rate behind Louisiana.

As Ross Eisenbrey correctly states, “In a NY Times article about a drive led by the United Automobile Workers (UAW) to unionize Nissan’s workforce at a factory in Canton, Mississippi, various local businessmen are quoted extolling the value to Mississippi of being a ‘right-to-work state’ and maintaining a ‘non-union environment.’ Given the economic condition of Mississippi, one has to wonder who, exactly, has benefited from Mississippi’s anti-unionism. Mississippi has been a ‘right-to-work’ state for nearly 60 years, plenty of time to benefit from its non-union environment, but its per capita income in 2012 was the lowest in the United States – not just low, but dead last,” (www.epi.org, 10/8/2013).

Who Is Chokwe Lumumba?

The 66-year-old Chokwe Lumumba isn’t a slick corporate politician, but a product of the radical black freedom movement and activism. As a radical lawyer, Lumumba defended the now-deceased Black Panther Party leader Geronimo Pratt, as well as political exile Assata Shakur and hip-hop icon Tupac Shakur. He also played a vital role in securing the release of Mississippi’s Jamie and Gladys Scott. The Scott sisters were given a life sentence in 1996 for armed robbery that totaled 11 dollars. With Jamie Scott suffering from kidney failure, the Scott sisters were released from prison in 2010 due to the work of the legal team headed by Lumumba combined with a local grassroots campaign.

Lumumba is a co-founder of the Malcolm X Grassroots Movement (MXGM) and author of The Jackson Plan: A Struggle for Self-Determination, Participatory Democracy, and Economic Justice. Lumumba served as vice-president of the Republic of New Afrika (RNA), founded in 1969 to advance the demand of black self-determination, reparations, anti-capitalism, and autonomy in five southeastern states with a black majority – Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, and South Carolina – that would constitute a black nation. In 2009, Chokwe Lumumba was elected to the Jackson City Council, serving Ward 2.

Despite right-wing attacks and a contentious Democratic Party primary race with rival businessman Jonathan Lee, Lumumba’s activism and radical history spoke to the interests of the black working class and poor. But what must be highlighted in Lumumba’s victory is the creative grassroots organizing, mobilizing, and campaigning by activists and the working people themselves. This included the creation of the Jackson People’s Assembly in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina of 2005.


The last of the Semites

The last of the Semites

By News Sources on May 19, 2013

Al Jazeera has removed this article from its website. Al Abunimah reports: “Massad told The Electronic Intifada that he had ‘received confirmation’ from his editor at Al Jazeera English that ‘management pulled the article.’ OK. I guess that means I’ll have to repost the whole article.

By Joseph Massad

Jewish opponents of Zionism understood the movement since its early age as one that shared the precepts of anti-Semitism in its diagnosis of what gentile Europeans called the “Jewish Question”. What galled anti-Zionist Jews the most, however, was that Zionism also shared the “solution” to the Jewish Question that anti-Semites had always advocated, namely the expulsion of Jews from Europe.

It was the Protestant Reformation with its revival of the Hebrew Bible that would link the modern Jews of Europe to the ancient Hebrews of Palestine, a link that the philologists of the 18th century would solidify through their discovery of the family of “Semitic” languages, including Hebrew and Arabic. Whereas Millenarian Protestants insisted that contemporary Jews, as descendants of the ancient Hebrews, must leave Europe to Palestine to expedite the second coming of Christ, philological discoveries led to the labelling of contemporary Jews as “Semites”. The leap that the biological sciences of race and heredity would make in the 19th century of considering contemporary European Jews racial descendants of the ancient Hebrews would, as a result, not be a giant one.

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America’s Secret Police

America’s Secret Police

Tuesday, 25 February 2014 09:31 By Aaron Leonard, Truthout

Oval Office meeting on the Detriot riots, July 24, 1967.

President Lyndon B. Johnson (seated, foreground) working with (background L-R): Marvin Watson, J. Edgar Hoover, Sec. Robert McNamara, Gen. Harold Johnson, Joe Califano, Sec. Of the Army Stanley Resor. (Photo: LBJ Library via Wikimedia Commons)Oval Office meeting on the Detriot riots, July 24, 1967. President Lyndon B. Johnson (seated, foreground) working with (background L-R): Marvin Watson, J. Edgar Hoover, Sec. Robert McNamara, Gen. Harold Johnson, Joe Califano, Sec. Of the Army Stanley Resor. (Photo: LBJ Library via Wikimedia Commons)

In Betty Medsger’s The Burglary: The Discovery of J Edgar Hoover’s Secret FBI and Seth Rosenfeld’s Subversives: The FBI’s War on Student Radicals, and Reagan’s Rise to Power, it is clear that an empire of the magnitude of the United States does not exist without a secret police.

The Burglary: The Discovery of J Edgar Hoover’s Secret FBI
Betty Medsger, Knopf 2014

Subversives: The FBI’s War on Student Radicals, and Reagan’s Rise to Power
Seth Rosenfeld, Picador. 2013

Get Betty Medsger’s recently-released book, The Burglary: The Discovery of J. Edgar Hoover’s Secret FBI from Truthout here.

More than four decades after his death, J. Edgar Hoover still haunts the US political landscape. For 48 years Hoover served, first as head of the Bureau of Investigation and later as head of the FBI, his power expanding in tandem with the country’s growing global footprint.

While the scandals that broke in the early 1970s unleashed a flood of revelations, there was so much the bureau had undertaken that much remained unexamined, to say nothing of secrets still buried. Now as the new millennium begins to hit its stride, something of a second pass is taking place. In that respect two new contributions stand out.


Revitalizing the U.S. Reparations Movement

CARICOM Initiative Could Provide the Spark

A few days before this year’s Congressional Black Caucus Foundation, Inc. Annual Legislative Conference (CBCINC-ALC), I received a call to ask my opinion as to whether the Reparations Issues Forum should be on the agenda. The Forum has been standard fare every year as a way of promoting HR-40, the Reparation’s Study bill, championed by Congressman John Conyers, Jr., and as a vehicle to discuss strategies for the coming year. The question was understandable given the relatively moribund state of the Reparations movement in the U.S.; a reality that is the consequence of the passing/transition of some of the key leaders of the movement, the decline of reparations advocacy organizations and the difficulty of gaining traction on the issue with the first African American President in the White House.

However, none of these factors negate the validity and relevance of the issue. Therefore, I answered in the affirmative but strongly suggested that the Forum highlight events or developments that might provide a new spark to the U.S. Reparations Movement.

In the past State Senator Bill Owen’s proposal that the Massachusetts legislature pay reparations to African Americans in that state; Deadria Farmer-Paellmann’s legal campaign against U.S. corporations that benefitted from slavery; the National Black United Front’s “We Charge Genocide” Petition Campaign; December 12th Movement’s Millions.